斯里兰卡超市蔬菜供应链分析外文翻译（可编辑）.doc

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1、斯里兰卡超市蔬菜供应链分析外文翻译 外文翻译原文Analysis of Vegetable Supply Chains of Supermarkets in Sri Lanka Material Source:/0. Author;Manoshi Perera, Sarath S. Kodithuwakku and Jeevika Weerahewa The structure of different supermarket vegetable supply chains operating in Sri Lanka. Supermarkets with a small number of

2、outlets one or two outlets procure their vegetable requirement from the traditional wholesale market through an intermediary i.e. vegetable supplier.Vegetables move along traditional vegetable supply chains until they reach the wholesale market. Therefore, such supply chainssupply chain C are mere e

3、xtensions of the existing traditional vegetable supply chains. Supermarkets with a fairly large number of outlets 7 or 8 outletsprocure their up-country vegetable requirement from vegetable collectors who bring vegetables to the Central Purchasing Unit CPUof the supermarket. Once the vegetable order

4、 is faxed to the vegetable collectors, they travel around the up-country area purchasing vegetables from farmers at the roadside. They then engage in sorting the vegetables and those which are of superior quality are sold to the supermarket while those rejected by the supermarket are sold at the who

5、lesale market or to certain retailers willing to buy them at a slightly lower price. Since the vegetable collectors pay the farmers the same farm gate price offered by traditional vegetable supply chains and they purchase vegetables from the roadside in an ad-hoc manner, the existence of such supply

6、 chainssupply chain D is not beneficial to the farmer as it does not pay a higher price for their produce nor provide them with a guaranteed market. The supermarket with the highest number of outlets i.e. 64 has regional vegetable collecting centers located in vegetable producing areas. Farmers as w

7、ell as vegetable collectors bring vegetables to these collecting centers supply chains A and B. Before doing so, they obtain order from the person in charge at the regional collecting centre the previous day. The vegetable requirements of the supermarket are conveyed to these regional vegetable coll

8、ecting centers and accordingly vegetable orders are issued to the farmers and the vegetable collectors. Upon arrival, the supermarket employees working at the regional vegetable collecting centre inspect the vegetables and whatever is of suitable quality is bought while the rest is returned usually

9、such returns are very low. The supermarket does not adhere to quality standards stipulated by formal certificates. Rather, the quality parameters actually adopted are mostly related to the physical attributes of the produce such as size, color, texture and whether the produce is free from pest and d

10、isease attacks. Farmers sell the remaining part of their harvest which is not of the quality required by the supermarket to vegetable collectors in the traditional market or send them to commission agents at the wholesale market through transporting agents. Vegetable collectors sell rejects to retai

11、lers in the near vicinity at a slightly lower price. The purchasing price of the vegetables for the day is decided by the head office in Colombo and is conveyed to these regional vegetable collecting centers while ensuring that the price is higher than the price offered by traditional vegetable supp

12、ly chains. The selected vegetables are loaded into standard crates belonging to the supermarkets. Afterwards the vegetables are transported in freezer trucks to the Central Purchasing Unit CPU from which they are dispatched to individual outlets. The operations of the supply chain B is similar to th

13、at of D, where the vegetable collector pays the farmer the same price prevailing in traditional vegetable supply chains and purchases vegetables in an ad-hoc manner. However, the supermarket vegetable supply chain A, where the supermarket buys directly from the farmer and sells directly to the consu

14、mer is different from the existing traditional vegetable supply chains and thus can be termed as an alternative supply chain created by the supermarket with the largest number of outlets. Majority of the vegetables moving through traditional supply chains pass via the main wholesale markets in Dambu

15、lla and Colombo. Therefore, traditional vegetable supply chains that move through the Dambulla and Colombo wholesale markets illustrated in figure 2 were chosen for comparison purposes. The alternative vegetable supply chain A created by the supermarket with the largest number of outlets was compare

16、d with traditional vegetable supply chains and the findings were as follows. It was observed that the price offered to the farmers by the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket is higher than that offered by traditional vegetable supply chains. Since the supermarket purchases only vegetables of s

17、uperior quality and since they have to compete with traditional vegetable supply chains, it is essential that the price offered by the supermarket be higher than the price offered by the traditional vegetable supply chains in order to stimulate the farmers to sell their harvest to the supermarket in

18、stead of to the individuals involved in the traditional supply chains. The transparency in the transaction between the buyer and the farmer is relatively low among traditional vegetable supply chains. The commission agents tend to quote a price to the farmers which is lower than the price for which

19、the vegetables were actually sold at the wholesale market. They also reduce a certain amount of the weight, stating that the vegetables have been damaged and dehydrated while being transported. Since the farmer is not present at the transaction, he has no choice but to accept the stated figures. Thu

20、s, the commission agents are known to take undue advantage of the farmers. This situation is especially prevalent in the Colombo wholesale market .In comparison, the farmer is present during the quality inspection process at the regional collecting centre of the supermarket and spot cash payments ar

21、e made when the vegetables are purchased. Therefore, there is a higher degree of transparency in the transaction at the farmer level with respect to the supermarket vegetable supply chain compared to the traditional vegetable supply chains. Individuals such as transporting agents and “Nattamies” who

22、 engage in loading and unloading do not acquire title i.e. ownership for the vegetables they handle. Therefore they are neither conscious nor feel themselves accountable for the quality of the produce. Due to the lack of quality consciousness and accountability, transporting agents overload the sack

23、s of vegetables and “Nattamies” tend to drop vegetable sacks from the top of the transporting vehicles while handling them, not being bothered about the damage caused on impact. These practices have eventually led to much of the vegetables being wasted as post harvest losses. In contrast, quality co

24、nsciousness and accountability is prevalent throughout the supermarket vegetable supply chain. Farmers are conscious of the quality since otherwise their produce will be rejected at the regional vegetable collecting centre. Supermarkets are conscious of the quality because they cater to a consumer s

25、egment which is quality conscious In the traditional vegetable supply chains, quality signals are not being passed down to the farmers. Farmers are paid by the weight and they are not given a premium price for quality. Thus, their main focus is to increase the weight. This has in turn led to some fa

26、rmers engaging in certain mal-practices such as putting stones and inferior quality vegetables in the middle part of the sacks of vegetables. On the other hand, only vegetables of superior quality are purchased from farmers at the regional vegetable collecting centers and they are paid a premium pri

27、ce for such vegetables. Therefore, quality signals are being passed down to farmers along the vegetable supply chains of the supermarket and it ensures that only inputs of superior quality enter the supermarket vegetable supply chain. The number of intermediaries involved is comparatively high in th

28、e traditional vegetable supply chains as opposed to the supply chain of the supermarket where the supermarket is the only intermediary present between the producer and the consumer. Post harvest losses are negligible along the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket 1 to 3 percent, whereas in the

29、traditional vegetable supply chains the post harvest losses are as high as 35 to 40 percent. This is a serious problem with regard to the traditional vegetable supply chains, as a considerable portion of the total harvest is lost and the cost is ultimately born by the producer and the consumer. In c

30、onclusion it can be stated that the emergence of supermarkets by itself do not create alternative supply chains of vegetables that are different from the existing traditional vegetable supply chains. However, as the number of outlets belonging to the supermarket increases, they acquire the necessary

31、 economies of scale to adopt a vegetable supply chain of their own where they buy directly from the farmer and sell directly to the consumer. Such supply chains are efficient and effective compared to traditional vegetable supply chains in terms of paying a higher price, higher degree of transparenc

32、y in the transaction, presence of quality consciousness and accountability throughout the supply chain, quality signals being passed down, less number of intermediaries involved in the supply chain and occurrence of comparatively low post harvest losses. Such supermarket supply chains have reduced t

33、he level of monophony in traditional vegetable supply chains by creating an alternative market for farm produce. It allows farmers to sell the superior portion of their harvest at a higher price. At the same time, it was found that in Hanguranketha, the prevalence of the particular supermarket suppl

34、y chain has prompted the buyers attached to traditional supply chains to increase the price offered to farmers. However, this situation was not prevalent in Nuwara-Eliya due to insignificance of the amount of vegetables being purchased by the vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket. It should

35、 be noted that the supermarket which adopts the above mentioned supply chain that purchases vegetables directly from farmers, also procure a part of their vegetable requirement from vegetable collectors i.e. supply chain B in figure 1. This seems to be the most prominent system in practice at the ve

36、getable collecting centre in Nuwara-Eliya. In such situations, the benefits of the higher price offered by the supermarket is retained by the intermediary i.e. vegetable collector and neither price nor quality signals are passed down to farmers. Farmers are not required to adopt special production p

37、ractices in order to sell their produce to the supermarket supply chain and even the small scale farmers have the ability to sell their produce at the regional vegetable collecting centre. However, it is only the farmers in the near vicinity of the regional vegetable collecting centre who have the a

38、bility to access the supermarket supply chain. Those living further away and in areas with poor transport facilities find it difficult and costly to bring their produce to the regional vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket. Therefore, it is the accessibility to the regional vegetable collec

39、ting centre that determines which farmers have the ability to sell their produce to the vegetable supply chain of the supermarket. Further, the supermarket does not have any formal nor verbal contract agreements with the farmer which states that they would purchase a certain quantity of their produc

40、e at a pre-agreed price at a future date. The farmers obtain an order for a given quantity of vegetables from the regional vegetable collecting centre on the day prior to harvesting and they are paid a price based on the price prevailing in the market during the particular day. Due to the prevalence

41、 of uncertainty in relation to the price that will be paid and the quantity that will be purchased by the vegetable collecting centre of the supermarket at the time of harvesting, farmers being risk averters, are not willing to adopt production practices to improve the quality of the produce. The ad

42、option of such practices will increase the cost of production and the farmers may incur a loss if they are unable to sell their harvest to the supermarket as the traditional chains do not offer a premium price for quality. While the supermarket chain with the largest number of outlets has given rise

43、 to an efficient and effective supply chain where the supermarket buys directly from the farmer and sells directly to the consumer. 译文斯里兰卡超市蔬菜供应链分析 资料来源:/. 作者:Manoshi Perera, Sarath S. Kodithuwakku and Jeevika Weerahewa 斯里兰卡超市蔬菜供应链有着不同的运作模式。 门店数量少的超市(1个或2个)通过中介机构(即蔬菜供应商)在批发市场进行采购。蔬菜沿着传统蔬菜供应链运送到批发市场。

44、然而,这样的供应链(供应链C)只不过是传统供应链的扩展。 拥有大量门店的超市(7个或8个)会从将蔬菜集中到超市中央采购点(CPU)的蔬菜收购商那采购所需的蔬菜。一旦蔬菜订单传真到蔬菜收购商那里,他们将会在全国范围内向农户收购蔬菜。然后他们对蔬菜进行挑选,质量好的会卖到超市,超市不要的会卖到批发市场或者一些愿意以稍低价格买走的零售商。尽管蔬菜收购商在田边收购蔬菜并付给农户和传统供应链上相同的价格,但因为不能为农户提供一个较高的价格和一个有保证的市场,这种供应链供应链D往往不利于农户。 拥有最高门店数量的超市(即64个)有一个区域配送中心坐落于蔬菜采购区。农户和蔬菜收购商将这些蔬菜运到这个配送中心

45、(供应链A和B)。在这之前,他们会在前一天接到区域配送中心的订单。超市会将蔬菜需求量通知到区域配送中心,因此超市的订单会发给农户和蔬菜收购商。蔬菜抵达后,超市人员会在区域配送中心检测蔬菜的质量,质量好的会买下来,不好的会被退回(通常这样的回报非常低)。 超市并不遵守正式证书里规定的质量标准。相反,实际采用的质量参数多数是有关物理属性的,比如大小、颜色、纹理、其生产是不是不受害虫和疾病影响。农户在传统市场上将他们余下的部分蔬菜(这不是超市所要求的)出售给蔬菜收购商或者通过运输代理将蔬菜在批发市场上卖给委员会代理。蔬菜收购商将没被超市买走的蔬菜以稍低的价格卖给邻居。蔬菜一天的采购价格由科伦坡的总部

46、决定并告知各区域配送中心以保证蔬菜价格比传统蔬菜供应链高。被挑选过去的蔬菜会装入标准包装箱并运往超市。然后将蔬菜用冷冻箱运输到中央采购点并派送到各个超市门店。供应链B和供应链D的运作相似,都是蔬菜收购商以一种特设的方式付给农户比传统蔬菜供应链上稍高一点的价格。然而超市蔬菜供应链A中,超市直接向农户采购蔬菜并直接卖给顾客,这跟现有的传统蔬菜供应链不同,因此可以称之为被拥有大量门店的超市创造的“另类”的超市。 在丹布勒和科伦坡,大部分蔬菜通过传统供应链运输到主要的批发市场。因此,以通过丹布勒和科伦坡运送的传统蔬菜供应链来做比较。拥有大量门店的超市形成的“另类”的蔬菜供应链(A)与传统蔬菜供应链比较

47、的研究结果如下。 有人指出超市蔬菜供应链给农户的价格比传统供应链给的要高。由于只采购品质优良的蔬菜,而且要与传统供应链竞争,因此给农户更高的价格是至关重要的。这可以刺激农户将蔬菜以相对较高的价格卖给超市,而不是以个人身份介入传统供应链。 在传统蔬菜供应链中,买方和农户之间的交易透明度是比较低的。佣金代理倾向于引用一个更低的价格,而这个价格往往比在批发市场实际销售的要低。他们还减少实际重量,声称蔬菜已经损耗或者脱水并运走。由于农民在目前的交易中没得选择,只能接受既定的价格。因此,委员会代理过分获取农户的利益是众所周知的。这种情况在科伦坡批发市场尤其多见。相比之下,现在农户是在区域集散中心进行质量

48、检测过程,并在购买时当场付款。因此,对农户方面来说,超市蔬菜供应链相对于传统蔬菜供应链来说有更高的交易透明度。 运输代理或者装卸工不能获得蔬菜的所有权,因此他们对蔬菜的品质既不关心,也不负责任。由于缺乏质量意识和问责制,运输代理经常将蔬菜袋子超负荷包装。装卸工喜欢将蔬菜包装袋从运输车的最顶端丢下并整理,对产生的损耗和撞击一点也不反感。这种方式最终导致了蔬菜的大量损耗。与此相对,质量意识和问责制证在超市蔬菜供应链中盛行,农户变得更有质量意识,否则他们的蔬菜将会被区域配送中心拒之门外。超市也因为要迎合农户的意愿更加重视质量。 在传统蔬菜供应链中,质量信息不被传递到农户。农户以重量而不是以质量来收取

49、价钱。对于他们,主要任务是要增加产量。这反过来导致了农户从事一些不正当的事情,比如在包装袋的中心方些石头和劣质的蔬菜。在另一方面,区域配送中心的劣质蔬菜均来自农户,他们为此付出了高价钱。因此,质量信息正沿着蔬菜供应链传递给农户,并确保只有优良品质的蔬菜才能进入超市蔬菜供应链。 在传统蔬菜供应链中有大量的中介机构,他们反对超市供应链,因为在这种供应链中,超市是生产者和消费者之间唯一的中介。 超市蔬菜供应链中收获后的损失可以忽略不计(1%到3%),而在传统蔬菜供应链中是35%到40%。对于传统蔬菜供应链这是一个严重的问题,因为收获后的损耗是总成本的重要部分,这些成本最终要由生产者和消费者买单。 总之可以这样说,拥有大量门店的超市所形成的供应链不用于一般的供应链,也不同于现有的传统供应链。然而,当门店数量增多时,他们会获得经济规模并采用一条适用于自己的供应链,他们可以直接向农户采购并销售给客户。这种供应链在提供