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1、国际学术论文演讲稿Good morning everybody!Its my honor to speak here,and I am very glad to share my topic with you. Then today Id like to talk something about Public engagement with carbon and climate change: To what extent is the public carbon capable? As we know, the phenomenon of climate change for society

2、 seems clear: much evidence shows a significant human contribution in causing climate change, and the impacts will increase. In order to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, there is an urgent need to understand and enable societal engagement inmitigation. Yet recent research indicates that this i

3、nvolvement is currently limited: although awareness of climate change is widespread, understanding and behavioral engagement are far lower. Proposals for mitigativepersonal carbon budgets imply a need for public understanding of the causes and consequences of carbon emissions, as well as the ability

4、 to reduce emissions. However, little has been done to consider the situated meanings of carbon and energy in everyday life and decisions. Now, lets go to the first part. The structure of the paper. It includes five parts. The first is background. Nest is climate change , carbon capability , the thi

5、rd is developing carbon capability ,fourth is exploring the carbon capability , the last one is conclusion. Ok, let me introduce the background at first. Some findings from a UK survey of public engagement with climate change and carbon capability, focusing on both individual and institutional dimen

6、sions. These findings highlight the diverse public understandings about carbon, encompassing technical, social, and moral discourses; and provide further evidence for the environmental value-action gap in relation to adoption of low-carbon lifestyles. Implications of these findings for promoting pub

7、lic engagement with climate change and carbon capability are discussed. But what is the climate change? Climate change is an issue which poses major challenges to communicators and educators. It is a risk in familiar natural processes such as temperature change and weather fluctuations, and has low

8、highlighting as a risk issue because it cannot be directly experienced. Since people are accustomed to considerable weather and temperature variation on a daily and seasonal basis they underestimate the effects of a predicted rise in global temperatures of a few degrees The World Meteorological Orga

9、nization uses consecutive periods of weather over a period of 30 years to calculate a climate average: and thus unlike an individual weather event climate is not directly observable. Confidence in projections of climate change impacts decreases with scale with regional, and especially local, impacts

10、 often poorly described, meaning the risks posed by climate change to individuals are ill-defined. Furthermore, reliance on second-hand information about the reality and severity of the risk of climate change means the risk is defined and interpreted by both the information source and message recipi

11、ent. Uncertainty about climate change can be exaggerated by the media, which tends to emphasize the scientific and political controversy surrounding the issue. Facing the global warming, we must do our best to decrease the emission of carbon .Everyone have the duty. But what is the carbon capability

12、 ? Let me to introduce it. There is some convergence of findings from the work around public engagement with climate change and the work on learning about climate change and carbon. In particular, these two literatures demonstrate that both individual and institutional dimensions of engagement are v

13、ital to understanding (barriers to) adoption of low-carbon lifestyles. Furthermore, they highlight the need to understand the situated meanings associated with carbon; that is, how individuals translate and apply knowledge about carbon and climate change to their daily lives (for example through pro

14、cesses of objectification and anchoring). Sey fang have proposed the concept of carbon capability to capture the contextual meanings associated with carbon and the individual ability and motivation to reduce emissions. Carbon capability is defined as: The ability to make informed judgments and to ta

15、ke effective decisions regarding the use and management of carbon, through both individual behavior change and collective action We identify three core dimensions of carbon capability: (1) decision-making (knowledge, skills, motivations and judgments), (2) individual behavior or practices (e.g., ene

16、rgy conservation), and (3) broader engagement with systems of provision and governance (e.g., lobbying, voting, protesting, and creating alternative social infrastructures of provision). Carbon capability is not defined in a narrow individualistic sense of solely knowledge, skills and motivations (a

17、lthough these are important components) rather, the concept of carbon capability implies an understanding of the limits of individual action and where these encounter wider societal institutions and infrastructure, and so prompt the need for collective action and other governance solutions. The noti

18、on also suggests an appreciation that much consumption (and hence carbon emissions) is inconspicuous, habitual and routine, rather than the result of conscious decision making. What about the carbon capability of the public, we have made a survey from the three dimensions. First, Awareness and knowl

19、edge about climate change and carbon The recognition of climate change Consistent with previous research, we find that awareness of climate change is very high. Less than 1% has not heard of climate change at all; and the largest proportion (56%) says they know a fair amount about it. A further 10%

20、say they know a lot, and 29%know just a little. Furthermore, most people (85.6%) agree with the statementclimate change is caused by both natural processes and human activity.Participants evidently recognize the main causes of climate change, including emissions from deforestation, industry, transpo

21、rt and (more generally) fossil fuel use (Fig. 2). However, misperceptions exist in respect of the relative contribution of different activities or processes in causing climate change. An important misperception occurs in the lack of recognition of the contribution of meat eating/production contribut

22、ing to greenhouse gas emissions . The recognition of carbon Moving from climate change in general to more specific knowledge around carbon, we find levels of awareness and engagement decrease .In order to prompt links between carbon and climate change, the survey asked When you hear statements such

23、as carbon emissions are increasing or the company is aiming to become carbon-neutral what do you understand by the word carbon?(ppt) Second ,Individual behaviors or practices We asked whether respondents had taken actions to reduce their emissions. The results show domestic energy conservation is re

24、latively common, but changing travel and shopping habits are less popular (see Table 2 for frequent actions. Third ， Engagement with systems of provision and governance As Table 2 demonstrates, a large proportion of respondents undertake some individualized pro-environmental actions. There is some e

25、vidence of engagement beyond these individualized contexts within systems of provision. A lack of participation and engagement with systems of governance was found throughout the survey. Although over half of participants state they are interested in national government climate policy, only a quarte

26、r of participants actually keep an eye on which political parties have the strongest climate policies, indicating that, as others have found, the environment remains a low priority issue at election time . Now, The research findings presented here on the three dimensions of carbon capability reinfor

27、ce earlier research that indicates little connection between individuals and climate change. Carbon emissions are rarely linked to personal actions and lifestyles choices, and consistent with previous studies, we find that few people are taking significant steps to lead a low-carbon lifestyle. What

28、should we do to develop carbon capability . These findings show that public carbon capability is below the levels required for active citizen engagement with climate change which would lead to carbon-reduction activities. However, we do not principally (or solely) blame individualslack of knowledge

29、and understanding for their low levels of pro-environmental behavior. Rather, our findings are consistent with substantial existing evidence that current systems of provision are often not conducive to such practices; and that contextual barriers contribute to the widely reported value-action gap. F

30、or example, we found that knowledge about the contribution of car use and flying to climate change is high , but that change in relation to these transport behaviors is much lower . We conclude that there are likely to be interlinked deficiencies along all three dimensions of carbon capability (deci

31、sion-making, practices, and structural engagement), which undermine the foundations of a carbon-reduction policy context requiring voluntary action by individuals. Given this context, we argue that raising levels of carbon capability is a necessary but not sufficient condition for increasing carbon-

32、reduction lifestyle changes. Furthermore, achieving policy targets for individual carbon-reduction will require measures to improve these capabilities by addressing all three aspects . Because certain misperceptions continue to prevail and there is limited awareness of the relative contribution of d

33、ifferent activities to causing climate change. This suggests a role for communication and education to provide relevant information to guide effective mitigative action. We stress, however, that this communication effort should be grounded in situated contexts and social meanings, and needs to be co

34、gnizant of the ways that individuals learn.Theory suggests that there is a need for objectification making carbon tangible and concrete. This could be achieved through informational approaches that effectively re-materialize energy and carbon . The theory also suggests anchoring within pre-existing

35、frameworks is needed in order to render the unfamiliar, familiar. Moving from the actor to the structure side of the social practices diagram, and the third dimension of carbon capability (broader engagement with systems of provision and governance), we can identify two complementary courses of acti

36、on. The first is for individuals to influence the rules and resources which comprise the governance structures of carbon, for instance through civic engagement (e.g., voting, lobbying, protesting, deliberative participation in policy-making). These new rules might take the form of carbon pricing, ca

37、rbon allowances (for citizens, businesses or both), emissions regulation (e.g., carbon-capping of energy companies), low-carbon planning and transport policies, renewable energy policies, and so on. These measures would set quite different frameworks for potential repertoires of action, which would

38、filter through systems of provision to influence the sets of social practices which are possible. Secondly, there is scope for the public to shape systems of provision directly, through engagement in environmental activism at the community level. For example, the Transition Towns movement seeks to c

39、reate alternative, low carbon systems of provision to replace existing infrastructures and is just one of many grassroots innovations which aim to achieve system-wide change through collective community-based action .Improvements in the social practices element of carbon capability should arise natu

40、rally out of a combination of the other two elements providing greater understanding and motivation to act,within an enabling structural framework of systems of provision and governance which offer practical options for low-carbon social practices and individual choices. Conclusion Achieving ambitio

41、us policy targets for carbon reduction depends on societal engagement with climate change and GHG mitigation. we have here considered the extent to which the public is appropriately equipped to engage in (voluntary) GHG mitigation, that is how carbon capable they are. The construct of carbon capabil

42、ity delineates the skills, situated knowledge, motivation, and capacity to cut carbon. In order to elucidate the dimensions of carbon capability, we have attempted to synthesize psychological and sociological considerations of the factors influencing public engagement in individual, community and ci

43、vic action to help mitigate climate change. These considerations include processes of individual learning (e.g., objectification, anchoring) and construction of situated knowledge, as well as engagement with systems of provision and governance and the complex agency-structure dialectic that co-produ

44、ces social practices. Our survey shows that carbon capability is limited along all three dimensions of this construct, While carbon education may remove informational (and to a lesser extent) barriers to behavior change, structural measures are also required to encourage lifestyle change and enable participation in broader social change. This research represents an initial investigation of carbon capability, and as such includes only indicative measures. Further work should be done .